Seth Masket, a Pacific Standard contributing writer, is a political scientist at the University of Denver, specializing in political parties, state legislatures, campaigns and elections, and social networks. He is the author of No Middle Ground: How Informal Party Organizations Control Nominations and Polarize Legislatures.
Impeachment may well be the right course, but the speaker might not have the votes for a resolution to pass in the House.
Bernie Sanders is a first choice for many Democratic activists, but if he's not one's top choice, he usually isn't considered an option.
By looking at which campaigns experienced staffers choose to work for, one can see which candidates the party is seriously signaling as potential nominees.
States like Colorado have polarized—but productive—legislatures. Term limits and relatively weak lobbying interests help explain the phenomenon.
It's important to not nominate a sure loser, but, historically, "electability" arguments have been used to discourage women and minorities from running.
As Democrats weigh the benefits of impeachment following the release of the Mueller report, here's what history says about the arguments for or against proceeding.
Data since the 2016 election shows Democrats are still divided.
A profile of John Hickenlooper demonstrates how journalism that focuses on candidates' charisma often makes incorrect assumptions, and favors white male politicians.
The current crop of frontrunners in the 2020 Democratic primary show the homogenization of the left's views on combating gun violence.
It's the conditions of the economy, the popularity of the incumbent party, and the state of foreign relations that really affect a presidential nominee's chances—not their race or gender.
Trump's campaign scandals ultimately benefited him in the 2016 election. That won't be the case in 2020.
The Democrats' new randomized debate plan is a gold mine for campaign researchers.
The magazine's demise signals the further erosion of conservatism as a coherent ideology—and its replacement by a Trump personality cult.
California will now be using early voting, which means Democrats in the state will be able to participate in the presidential nomination process around the same time as Iowa caucus-goers.
The elder Bush won an election that was hard to win, and lost one that was hard to lose. How does this happen?
Here's what that means for policymaking in the U.S.
The ascendence of Brett Kavanaugh levied considerable damage to all three branches of government.
When it comes to presidential scandals, is all press really good press?
Democrats understand the last election determines how the party prepares for the next one.
Rather than being honest about Russian influence in 2016, Republican leaders are trying to enhance the legitimacy of their own president and party.
While the president has floundered on issues like health care and gun rights, he's been consistent on his belief in the need for an immigration crackdown.
When it comes to standing up against the NFL's new protest policy, many Democratic leaders have opted for passivity. But what if the importance of the middle ground has been substantially overstated?
Colorado's legislature had a productive year. But, because of the state's term limits, that output probably won't last.
Colorado is attempting an unusual style of primary election next month: allowing unaffiliated voters to choose which primary they'd like to vote in. What does that mean for politics in the Centennial State?
In most states, primary elections make official just who gets to call themselves the Democratic or Republican nominee. But that doesn't mean party leaders have to be neutral in those contests.
Sharp divisions between labor unions and reformers threaten to tear apart the Democratic Party in the Centennial State.
There's not been a sudden spike in sexual harassment within our state legislatures; this has been going on for decades. And professors who help send students to statehouse internships need to be mindful of that fact.